As the Chile: CIA Big Business book noted, “It was General Augusto Pinochet, a military attache’ of the Chilean Embassy in Washington for 10 years that proved to be…the…head of the Junta” after the democratically-elected government of Chilean President Salvador Allende was overthrown in a Chilean military coup on September 11, 1973: and “Pinochet, incidentally, had his training at the U.S. bases in the Panama Canal Zone three times, in 1965, 1968 and even in 1972…” The same book also recalled:
“As early as July 1969, the CIA Santiago Station received a Headquarters go-ahead for a secret program to infiltrate CIA agents into the Armed Forces of Chile. The program lasted for four years, and its principal objective was to get CIA agents into all three branches of the Chilean military, more particularly the command-level officers, general staff officers, retired officers and enlisted men.
“Yet President Nixon’s order of Sept. 15, 1970, for a military coup to be organized caught the Santiago Station unprepared. CIA agents among the Chilean military had not enough influence as yet to push them into staging a coup…”
(Downtown 9/1/93)
Sunday, July 5, 2009
Saturday, July 4, 2009
U.S. Media Influence In The Caribbean Historically
In 1990, Far From Paradise: An Introduction to Caribbean Development by James Ferguson noted:
“…Indoctrination is largely the result of the U.S. media…U.S. radio, for instance, can be heard throughout the region, and the Voice of America (famous for its propaganda) spent $50 million during the 1980s on setting up 11 additional transmitters within the area. Television is similarly dominated by the U.S. In 1975, an estimated 82 percent of programs seen on Jamaican television were imported from the U.S. Other Caribbean states had an even more solid diet of U.S.-imported television; Barbados received 97 percent of its programs from this source, and St. Kitts-Nevis 100 percent…
“This media invasion increases U.S. influence throughout the Caribbean. It erodes the cultural independence and separate identity of the various countries in the region and reduces them to passive consumers of news and entertainment provided exclusively by U.S. networks…”
(Downtown 11/23/94)
“…Indoctrination is largely the result of the U.S. media…U.S. radio, for instance, can be heard throughout the region, and the Voice of America (famous for its propaganda) spent $50 million during the 1980s on setting up 11 additional transmitters within the area. Television is similarly dominated by the U.S. In 1975, an estimated 82 percent of programs seen on Jamaican television were imported from the U.S. Other Caribbean states had an even more solid diet of U.S.-imported television; Barbados received 97 percent of its programs from this source, and St. Kitts-Nevis 100 percent…
“This media invasion increases U.S. influence throughout the Caribbean. It erodes the cultural independence and separate identity of the various countries in the region and reduces them to passive consumers of news and entertainment provided exclusively by U.S. networks…”
(Downtown 11/23/94)
Friday, July 3, 2009
U.S. Invasion of Panama Revisited
(December 20, 2009 will mark the 20th Anniversary of the 1989 invasion of Panama by 24,000 Pentagon troops).
In The U.S. Invasion of Panama: The Truth Behind Operation `Just Cause,’ an Independent Commission of Inquiry described what happened in Panama during the Pentagon’s 1989 invasion:
“Thousands of Panamanians were killed and wounded during the invasion. The bulk of these casualties were civilians. Estimates of the numbers killed range from over 1,000 to as many as 4,000. A precise figure is hard to arrive at because the U.S. government has carried out a deliberate and systematic cover-up of the numbers killed…
“During the invasion U.S. troops carried out the destruction of the offices of almost every political organization and newspaper known to oppose U.S. policy. The U.S. invasion force destroyed Panama’s National Radio and another radio station, Sistema Radial De Onda Popular. Two television stations, Channel 2 and 5, were also taken over by U.S. troops. The newspaper La Republica, which reported on the extensive death and destruction caused by the invasion, was ransacked and looted by U.S. troops. La Republica publisher Escolastico `Fuelela’ Calvo was arrested and taken by U.S. troops to Fort Clayton…”
The Independent Commission of Inquiry project directors, Gavriella Gemma and Teresa Gutierrez, also noted that as of 1991 there was “not one hearing or congressional investigation into this monstrous event, even though it violated…the U.S. Constitution” and described the role the Big Media played in manipulating U.S. public opinion to support the Pentagon’s invasion of Panama in 1989:
“The media, every television station, every major newspaper participated in a virtual orgy of applause while covering up what was really taking place in Panama. One less experienced anchorman attempting an analysis was summarily shut up while on the air…”
(Downtown 12/21/94)
In The U.S. Invasion of Panama: The Truth Behind Operation `Just Cause,’ an Independent Commission of Inquiry described what happened in Panama during the Pentagon’s 1989 invasion:
“Thousands of Panamanians were killed and wounded during the invasion. The bulk of these casualties were civilians. Estimates of the numbers killed range from over 1,000 to as many as 4,000. A precise figure is hard to arrive at because the U.S. government has carried out a deliberate and systematic cover-up of the numbers killed…
“During the invasion U.S. troops carried out the destruction of the offices of almost every political organization and newspaper known to oppose U.S. policy. The U.S. invasion force destroyed Panama’s National Radio and another radio station, Sistema Radial De Onda Popular. Two television stations, Channel 2 and 5, were also taken over by U.S. troops. The newspaper La Republica, which reported on the extensive death and destruction caused by the invasion, was ransacked and looted by U.S. troops. La Republica publisher Escolastico `Fuelela’ Calvo was arrested and taken by U.S. troops to Fort Clayton…”
The Independent Commission of Inquiry project directors, Gavriella Gemma and Teresa Gutierrez, also noted that as of 1991 there was “not one hearing or congressional investigation into this monstrous event, even though it violated…the U.S. Constitution” and described the role the Big Media played in manipulating U.S. public opinion to support the Pentagon’s invasion of Panama in 1989:
“The media, every television station, every major newspaper participated in a virtual orgy of applause while covering up what was really taking place in Panama. One less experienced anchorman attempting an analysis was summarily shut up while on the air…”
(Downtown 12/21/94)
Thursday, July 2, 2009
Male Worker Jobless Rate Under Obama Regime: 10.6 Percent
The official “seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for male workers in the United States over 16 years-of-age under the Democratic Obama Regime increased from 10.5 percent to 10.6 percent between May 2009 and June 2009, according to the latest Bureau of Labor Statistics data.
The official “seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for white male workers increased from 9 percent to 9.2 percent between May 2009 and June 2009.
For all U.S. workers, the “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate increased from 9.1 percent to 9.7 percent between May 2009 and June 2009.
The official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for African-American female workers over 20 years-of-age also increased from 11.1 percent to 11.7 percent between May 2009 and June 2009; and the official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for all African-American workers increased from 14.7 percent to 15.3 percent during this same period.
The official “not seasonally adjusted” rate for all African-American male workers over 20 years-of age was still 16.1 percent in June 2009.
The official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for African-American youth between 16 and 19 years-of-age increased from 40.1 percent to 45 percent between May 2009 and June 2009, while the “not seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for Hispanic or Latino youth was still 30.1 percent during this same period. The official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for white youth between 16 and 19 years-of-age also increased from 21.1 percent to 25 percent between May 2009 and June 2009.
Between May 2009 and June 2009, the official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for Hispanic or Latina women jumped from 10.5 percent to 11.5 percent, while the “not seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for Asian-American workers jumped from 6.7 percent to 8.2 percent during this same period. The official “seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for all Hispanic and Latino workers in the United States in June 2009 was 12.2 percent.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ July 2, 2009 press release:
“Nonfarm payroll employment continued to decline in June (-467,000)…Job losses were widespread across the major industry sectors, with large declines occurring in manufacturing, professional and business services, and construction…
“The number of long-term unemployed (those jobless for 27 weeks or more) increased by 433,000 over the month to 4.4 million. In June, 3 in 10 unemployed persons were jobless for 27 weeks or more…
“Employment in manufacturing fell by 136,000 over the month…Within the durable goods industry, motor vehicles and parts (-27,000), fabricated metal products (-18,000), computer and electronic products (-16,000), and machinery (-14,000) continued to lose jobs in June.
“In June, employment in construction fell by 79,000, with losses spread throughout the industry…Mining employment fell by 8,000 in June…
“Employment in the professional and business services industry declined by 118,000 in June…Within this sector, employment in temporary help services fell by 38,000 in June…
“Retail trade employment edged down in June (-21,000)…Over the month, job losses continued in automobile dealerships (-9,000). Employment continued to fall in wholesale trade (-16,000).
“In June, financial activities employment continued to decline (-27,000)…In June, employment declined in credit intermediation and related activities (-10,000) and in securities, commodity contracts, and investments (-6,000).
“The information industry lost 21,000 jobs over the month…
“Employment in federal government fell by 49,000 in June, largely due to the layoff of workers temporarily hired to prepare for Census 2010…”
The official “seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for white male workers increased from 9 percent to 9.2 percent between May 2009 and June 2009.
For all U.S. workers, the “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate increased from 9.1 percent to 9.7 percent between May 2009 and June 2009.
The official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for African-American female workers over 20 years-of-age also increased from 11.1 percent to 11.7 percent between May 2009 and June 2009; and the official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for all African-American workers increased from 14.7 percent to 15.3 percent during this same period.
The official “not seasonally adjusted” rate for all African-American male workers over 20 years-of age was still 16.1 percent in June 2009.
The official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for African-American youth between 16 and 19 years-of-age increased from 40.1 percent to 45 percent between May 2009 and June 2009, while the “not seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for Hispanic or Latino youth was still 30.1 percent during this same period. The official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for white youth between 16 and 19 years-of-age also increased from 21.1 percent to 25 percent between May 2009 and June 2009.
Between May 2009 and June 2009, the official “not seasonally adjusted” jobless rate for Hispanic or Latina women jumped from 10.5 percent to 11.5 percent, while the “not seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for Asian-American workers jumped from 6.7 percent to 8.2 percent during this same period. The official “seasonally adjusted” unemployment rate for all Hispanic and Latino workers in the United States in June 2009 was 12.2 percent.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ July 2, 2009 press release:
“Nonfarm payroll employment continued to decline in June (-467,000)…Job losses were widespread across the major industry sectors, with large declines occurring in manufacturing, professional and business services, and construction…
“The number of long-term unemployed (those jobless for 27 weeks or more) increased by 433,000 over the month to 4.4 million. In June, 3 in 10 unemployed persons were jobless for 27 weeks or more…
“Employment in manufacturing fell by 136,000 over the month…Within the durable goods industry, motor vehicles and parts (-27,000), fabricated metal products (-18,000), computer and electronic products (-16,000), and machinery (-14,000) continued to lose jobs in June.
“In June, employment in construction fell by 79,000, with losses spread throughout the industry…Mining employment fell by 8,000 in June…
“Employment in the professional and business services industry declined by 118,000 in June…Within this sector, employment in temporary help services fell by 38,000 in June…
“Retail trade employment edged down in June (-21,000)…Over the month, job losses continued in automobile dealerships (-9,000). Employment continued to fall in wholesale trade (-16,000).
“In June, financial activities employment continued to decline (-27,000)…In June, employment declined in credit intermediation and related activities (-10,000) and in securities, commodity contracts, and investments (-6,000).
“The information industry lost 21,000 jobs over the month…
“Employment in federal government fell by 49,000 in June, largely due to the layoff of workers temporarily hired to prepare for Census 2010…”
Wednesday, July 1, 2009
Review of `William Lloyd Garrison and The Humanitarian Reformers'--Conclusion
(Following book review first appeared in the November 9, 1994 issue of the Lower East Side alternative weekly, Downtown. See below for parts 1, 2, 3 and 4.)
By the 1850s, despite William Lloyd Garrison's continued editorship of the Liberator, “Wendell Phillips, not Garrison, emerged as the real leader of New England abolition” because Garrison’s “continuous emphasis on abolition as a moral crusade—and nothing else—seemed old-fashioned and impractical,” according to Russel Nye’s William Lloyd Garrison and The Humanitarian Reformers book. Most other abolitionists now worked to end slavery by either mobilizing behind the mid-19th century Republican Party or third party groups—or by supporting people like John Brown, who were willing to use violence in defense of freed slaves who were being victimized by the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law. Garrison, himself, however, only supported the end, not the means, of John Brown’s 1859 attack on the Harper’s Ferry arsenal, for example.
Unlike younger abolitionists such as Wendell Phillips, after the goal of legal emancipation was finally achieved during the Civil War, Garrison did not agitate on behalf of either a post-Civil War Reconstruction policy which guaranteed democratic rights and economic freedom for the former slaves in the South or on behalf of labor emancipation in the North; and he stopped publishing and editing the Liberator in 1865.
As an introduction to a 19th-Century abolitionist journalist who has generally been forgotten in recent years, Nye’s book might be a good first choice. And if Hollywood eventually gets around to producing a movie version which shows how Garrison’s newsweekly (for at most 2,500 subscribers) affected U.S. history, Nye’s book would provide good background material. (end of book review)
(Downtown 11/9/94)
By the 1850s, despite William Lloyd Garrison's continued editorship of the Liberator, “Wendell Phillips, not Garrison, emerged as the real leader of New England abolition” because Garrison’s “continuous emphasis on abolition as a moral crusade—and nothing else—seemed old-fashioned and impractical,” according to Russel Nye’s William Lloyd Garrison and The Humanitarian Reformers book. Most other abolitionists now worked to end slavery by either mobilizing behind the mid-19th century Republican Party or third party groups—or by supporting people like John Brown, who were willing to use violence in defense of freed slaves who were being victimized by the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law. Garrison, himself, however, only supported the end, not the means, of John Brown’s 1859 attack on the Harper’s Ferry arsenal, for example.
Unlike younger abolitionists such as Wendell Phillips, after the goal of legal emancipation was finally achieved during the Civil War, Garrison did not agitate on behalf of either a post-Civil War Reconstruction policy which guaranteed democratic rights and economic freedom for the former slaves in the South or on behalf of labor emancipation in the North; and he stopped publishing and editing the Liberator in 1865.
As an introduction to a 19th-Century abolitionist journalist who has generally been forgotten in recent years, Nye’s book might be a good first choice. And if Hollywood eventually gets around to producing a movie version which shows how Garrison’s newsweekly (for at most 2,500 subscribers) affected U.S. history, Nye’s book would provide good background material. (end of book review)
(Downtown 11/9/94)
`Free Leonard Peltier!'
chorus)
In Lewisburg, he's in a cage
His human rights, denied each day
(verses)
They've kept him locked up for so many years
His trial was so unfair
The evidence shows he's innocent
Free Leonard Peltier!
The F.B.I., the Bureau of Lies
They framed him, it's so clear
They sought revenge for A.I.M.'s revolt
Free Leonard Peltier!
A Freedom Fighter who did become
A political prisoner
The media pretends he don't exist
Free Leonard Peltier!
Like Geronimo Pratt and Mumia
His spirit is what they fear
But more revolt is in the air
Free Leonard Peltier!
Hypocrisy now rules the land
Injustice is everywhere
Without protest, they'll let him rot
Free Leonard Peltier!
What kind of men will steal a life
So they can keep all power?
Under their flag they wrap evil
Free Leonard Peltier!
July 1, 2009 marks the 32nd anniversary of Leonard Peltier's sentencing to two consecutive life terms, after being found guilty of two counts of "first degree murder" on the basis of fabricated evidence and coerced testimony. This protest folk song was written in the 1990s.
Leonard Peltier has served over thirty-two years in prison and is long overdue for parole. But the Democratic Obama Administration, in 2009, has still not released him.
In Lewisburg, he's in a cage
His human rights, denied each day
(verses)
They've kept him locked up for so many years
His trial was so unfair
The evidence shows he's innocent
Free Leonard Peltier!
The F.B.I., the Bureau of Lies
They framed him, it's so clear
They sought revenge for A.I.M.'s revolt
Free Leonard Peltier!
A Freedom Fighter who did become
A political prisoner
The media pretends he don't exist
Free Leonard Peltier!
Like Geronimo Pratt and Mumia
His spirit is what they fear
But more revolt is in the air
Free Leonard Peltier!
Hypocrisy now rules the land
Injustice is everywhere
Without protest, they'll let him rot
Free Leonard Peltier!
What kind of men will steal a life
So they can keep all power?
Under their flag they wrap evil
Free Leonard Peltier!
July 1, 2009 marks the 32nd anniversary of Leonard Peltier's sentencing to two consecutive life terms, after being found guilty of two counts of "first degree murder" on the basis of fabricated evidence and coerced testimony. This protest folk song was written in the 1990s.
Leonard Peltier has served over thirty-two years in prison and is long overdue for parole. But the Democratic Obama Administration, in 2009, has still not released him.
Tuesday, June 30, 2009
Review of `William Lloyd Garrison and The Humanitarian Reformers'--Part 4
(Following book review first appeared in the November 9, 1994 issue of the Lower East Side alternative weekly, Downtown. See below for parts 1, 2 and 3.)
By 1833, Garrison’s Liberator had 1,400 subscribers and his journalistic prominence enabled him to become a leading figure in the worldwide antislavery movement. Within the abolitionist movement, some objected to the invective and belligerent tone of Garrison’s writing. But he continued to lead the wing of the abolitionist movement which favored immediate emancipation and no forced colonization of the freed slaves, but did not favor trying to end slavery either through political action or violent resistance to the slave masters. Garrison’s wing of the abolitionist movement favored “no union with the slaveholders” during the pre-Civil War period and the Liberator was used to emphasize both Garrison’s strand of abolitionism and his support for democratic reforms like women’s suffrage.
William Lloyd Garrison and The Humanitarian Reformers author Nye’s brief treatment of Garrison’s friendship and subsequent political split with the African-American abolitionist Frederick Douglass illustrates one of the major weaknesses of this 1955-published book. As Nye notes, because Douglass, in the 1840s, “wanted to found a newspaper devoted to political action” which fought against slavery in the electoral arena, “coolness developed” between him and Garrison. Although most African-American historians agree that Frederick Douglass was as historically significant a figure in U.S. abolitionist journalism history as Garrison, however, Nye’s book fails to summarize in any detail the particular arguments which Douglass used to justify his split with Garrison. This reflects Nye’s tendency throughout the book to treat the oppressed people who subscribed to Garrison’s Liberator, or on whose behalf Garrison sought to work, as voiceless background figures in his life. Nye’s book also only briefly discusses Garrison’s relationship to his wife of many years and doesn’t describe in detail enough the nature of Garrison’s relationship to the 19th Century feminist movement, despite Garrison’s sympathy for this movement. (end of part 4)
(Downtown 11/9/94)
By 1833, Garrison’s Liberator had 1,400 subscribers and his journalistic prominence enabled him to become a leading figure in the worldwide antislavery movement. Within the abolitionist movement, some objected to the invective and belligerent tone of Garrison’s writing. But he continued to lead the wing of the abolitionist movement which favored immediate emancipation and no forced colonization of the freed slaves, but did not favor trying to end slavery either through political action or violent resistance to the slave masters. Garrison’s wing of the abolitionist movement favored “no union with the slaveholders” during the pre-Civil War period and the Liberator was used to emphasize both Garrison’s strand of abolitionism and his support for democratic reforms like women’s suffrage.
William Lloyd Garrison and The Humanitarian Reformers author Nye’s brief treatment of Garrison’s friendship and subsequent political split with the African-American abolitionist Frederick Douglass illustrates one of the major weaknesses of this 1955-published book. As Nye notes, because Douglass, in the 1840s, “wanted to found a newspaper devoted to political action” which fought against slavery in the electoral arena, “coolness developed” between him and Garrison. Although most African-American historians agree that Frederick Douglass was as historically significant a figure in U.S. abolitionist journalism history as Garrison, however, Nye’s book fails to summarize in any detail the particular arguments which Douglass used to justify his split with Garrison. This reflects Nye’s tendency throughout the book to treat the oppressed people who subscribed to Garrison’s Liberator, or on whose behalf Garrison sought to work, as voiceless background figures in his life. Nye’s book also only briefly discusses Garrison’s relationship to his wife of many years and doesn’t describe in detail enough the nature of Garrison’s relationship to the 19th Century feminist movement, despite Garrison’s sympathy for this movement. (end of part 4)
(Downtown 11/9/94)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
